Blog Political Landscape

The End of the Jirga: Strong Words and Not Much Controversy

As delegates gathered to debate peace, all have been conscious of the persevering with prices of struggle in Afghanistan. Here, a lady holds a toddler wounded in a strong truck bomb attack in Kabul on 15 January 2019 claimed by the Taleban. Photograph: Shakib Rahmani/AFP

The Consultative Peace Loya Jirga has led to Kabul with reviews back from the fifty committees of delegates, a speech from President Ghani and a communiqué which he stated is now the government’s ‘roadmap’. Key points emerging from the jirga have been requires an ‘intra-Afghan’ dialogue with the Afghan authorities in cost, for a ceasefire and safety of ladies’s and different rights. Kate Clark, Ehsan Qaane and Ali Yawar Adili (with input from the rest of the AAN staff), report on the jirga’s conclusions and ask whether it’s going to strengthen the authorities’s palms vis-à-vis the Taleban.

The Consultative Peace Loya Jirga, described by the head of the organising commission of the jirga, Omar Daudzai, in his opening speech to the 3,200 delegates as “an opportunity for representatives from provinces and districts to share their views and thoughts on peace and stability in Afghanistan,” has wrapped up. It was a day later than deliberate – it had taken longer than expected to elect the numerous jirga officials which meant the most important ‘meat’ of the jirga, the delegates’ discussions, only began on day three, fairly than day 2 as planned.

The delegates

The jirga’s organisers stated the delegates have been consultant of the nation; together with MPs and provincial council members, there were additionally delegates chosen at the district degree; how free and truthful these alternatives have been just isn’t clear or how much influence the Palace had. There should have been no less than some sort of voting, but stories various on how this was carried out (see this AAN backgrounder).

30 per cent of the delegates have been ladies. Additionally they featured fairly properly in the line-up of jirga officers (this after a delegation of ladies, Killid editor and delegate Najiba Ayubi advised AAN, met Sayyaf to demand 50 per cent of the jirga officers). At the end (and after elections) 4 out of the ten members administrative board of the jirga have been ladies, as have been 13 heads and 28 secretaries of the fifty committees (see this favourable comment by ladies’s activist Mary Akrami here).

As in previous jirgas, the delegates have been cut up into committees, fifty in this jirga, and asked to think about four questions:

1. How can we convince the Taleban to take part in [an intra-Afghan] negotiation? What has not been executed thus far that ought to be accomplished?

2. What are the values and achievements that the Afghan authorities shouldn’t compromise on? Why they’re necessary?

3. What are your views on the make-up of the Afghan delegation for peace? What ought to be the characteristics of the delegates?

4. How should the Afghan government cope with the neighbouring nations, particularly the nation which is financially supporting the Taleban and offering them weapons [a reference to Pakistan]? Usually, what is your expectation from nations who’re concerned in Afghanistan?

The committees’ proposals

These committees then reported back at the end of day four. The AAN workforce monitored their conclusions as broadcast on Radio Television Afghanistan. We solely managed to get three of the fifty committees’ conclusions in written type (they have not been revealed yet), so we might solely make a ‘rough and ready’ evaluation of what we thought have been their most important proposals:

1. Virtually each committee confused the crucial need for a ceasefire, at the very least during Ramadan (which begins on 5 or 6 Might).

2. Virtually each committee demanded intra-Afghan talks, ie the Taleban talking not simply to the United States, but to different Afghans.

3. Virtually all of the committees harassed that representatives of ladies, civil society, youth, spiritual scholars and teachers must be half of any delegation that negotiated with the Taleban. Some additionally stated representatives of struggle victims and political parties also needs to be included.

four. Virtually all committees stated that ladies’s rights and the final 18 years of ‘achievements’ should not be negotiated away.

5. Some committees confused the desirability for a sluggish and pre-scheduled withdrawal of international troops, which shouldn’t take place direct negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taleban started.

6. Some committees recommended that the United Nations should supervise talks between the authorities and the Taleban.

7. Some committees stated the provisions of the structure, but not the constitution as an entire, could possibly be amended if the Taleban asked for this, nevertheless it had to be based on the procedures laid out in the structure (i.e. via a Constitutional Loya Jirga – info on this in our backgrounder).

8. Some of the committees stated a regional consensus was important and the nations supporting the Taleban should cease doing so. Virtually no committee was particular on this challenge.

9. A number of committees asked the authorities to open a political workplace for the Taleban in Afghanistan and demanded an finish to talks behind closed doorways (whether this pointed to talks between the Taleban and the US was not clear, however implied).

Right now, on the last day of the jirga (three Might 2019), President Ghani delivered a speech (read it here in Pashto) saying he endorsed the committees’ suggestions and stated they might type the government’s ‘roadmap’ for peace.

The remaining communiqué

The last communiqué was released as the jirga ended. It was composed in suspiciously well-written language for a doc compiled from fifty other totally different paperwork at velocity  (see the Annex for AAN’s translation of the unique Dari). It does include many of the committees’ reported recommendations, however not all, and also options gadgets not outstanding in the studies back. Delegates that AAN spoke to (perhaps a dozen out of the 3,200, so a limited pattern) stated they typically thought it mirrored the views that they had heard.

The communiqué does not problem the Palace view of what is required from negotiations with the Taleban. Particularly, it places the government at the centre of any talks. It additionally excludes by omission the concept of an interim authorities taking up when the president’s constitutional mandate ends on 22 Might. This concept continues to be on the desk, regardless of the Supreme Courtroom ruling, two weeks in the past, that Ghani’s time period may be legally extended until the outcomes of the much-delayed presidential election are ultimately in. The courtroom’s ruling just isn’t with out controversy or opposition; as we reported, most of the different presidential candidates had already referred to as on Ghani to stand down. One delegate informed the media (see here) that his committee had reached a consensus on the need for an interim government, but this had not been reported to the corridor. There isn’t a means of checking this or whether or not different committees may additionally have reached this conclusion.

The putting of the authorities at the heart of any negotiations with the Taleban can also be a ‘Palace-friendly’ answer to the Taleban’s dismissal of Kabul as a ‘puppet government’ that isn’t value speaking to and to the US acceptance of the Taleban demand that it speaks on to the US and, at the very least initially, without the authorities being present.

Some gadgets in the communiqué have been equally outstanding in our assessment of the committees’ reporting back. They embrace the pressing want for a ceasefire, the want for an end to interference by (unspecified) neighbours and the prospect of the withdrawal of overseas troops. Widespread gadgets additionally included the value placed on protecting the rights of ladies and the other ‘achievements’ of the post-2001 polity, and of having a consultant negotiating workforce. Nevertheless, here, the communiqué places the need for “jihadi personalities” at the prime of the listing of essential individuals in any delegation – not mentioned much, we thought, in the committees’ reporting back – and then, as an apparently separate (mutually exclusive?) category, those who value human rights, have good reputations and are professional. Ladies, young individuals, these with disabilities, teachers and ulema have been additionally crucial members.

Each committees and the communiqué thought the structure could possibly be amended, if the Taleban wished it, but solely in response to the structure, ie by way of a constitutional loya jirga. The communiqué stated this might only occur “after a peace agreement” (emphasis added).

Different points talked about by the committees didn’t appear in the remaining communiqué, for instance, some committees referred to as for the United Nations to ‘supervise’ talks. Different proposals in the communiqué were not, we thought, talked about a lot by the committees; for example, the concept (made by Chairperson Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf in his opening and closing speeches) that the dispute with the Taleban lay in ‘different interpretations’ of Islam. Also not featuring prominently, we thought, in the committees’ reporting was the launch of Taleban prisoners; the communiqué says the “exchange of captives and release of prisoners” might build confidence between the two events. Ashraf Ghani, in his speech, stated the government was already figuring out 175 Taleban prisoners it might free as a gesture of goodwill. He also stated they have been prepared to discuss the technicalities of a ceasefire, though it would have to be bilateral.  The Taleban, reported the BBC, have already rejected this.

Two aspect points could be mentioned right here, to do with provisions in the 2008 Amnesty Regulation, often cited for its controversial blanket immunity for many who perpetrated warfare crimes before 2001 and any current or future struggle criminals who reconcile with the authorities. It specifies that parliament must choose any delegation that negotiates with insurgents (art 5). It also says that the release of detainees and individuals convicted of crimes related to the conflict is simply potential if proposed by the now defunct Commission for Consolidation of Peace (kamisyun-e tahkim-e suh) (art 5). (For more details about the Amnesty Regulation, learn AAN’s analysis right here.)


Relying on what the precise purpose of the jirga was, it could possibly be seen as a hit or a failure. If the jirga was aimed toward projecting a united entrance and forging a standard negotiating place with the Taleban, amongst those Afghans broadly supportive of the post-2001 polity (the authors weren’t positive tips on how to discuss with this ‘side’), then it was a failure as quickly as it was boycotted by major opposition figures, including other presidential candidates, Chief Government Abdullah, the chairperson of the High Peace Council, Abdul Karim Khalili and eleven political parties. (1)

Opposition figures and events have stated, all alongside, that the jirga was “a political trick” and “election campaign” (see here), aimed toward strengthening the Palace place that there isn’t a want or obligation to have an interim authority. If this was the jirga’s real purpose, to venture Ashraf Ghani’s legitimacy as continuing president, then it could possibly be seen as a fairly profitable, if minor, propaganda victory.

All that having been stated, nevertheless, a lot of the substance of the communiqué and the committees’ conclusions were not controversial. Many, from all sides – Palace, opposition and civil society including ladies’s teams – have been united in calling for the safety of ‘post-2001’ rights and for those representing non-Taleban Afghans in any negotiations to be consultant of the country at giant. As former governor of Balkh province Atta Nur Muhammad, who has shared the communiqué on his Facebook web page stated, there was nothing in it that has not been mentioned before). Atta additionally thanked the individuals for not permitting the authorities to ‘deviate’ the jirga from its course. (As of yet, there has been no official opposition reaction to the jirga).

If this jirga had been convened last summer time after the Eid ceasefire put peace on the agenda, before election marketing campaign season and earlier than the US’s determination to speak to the Taleban, it might have been a a lot stronger car for creating consensus. As an alternative, with the opposition indignant and suspicious and with the Taleban already chatting with those it considers the ‘real’ energy dealing with it in Afghanistan, the United States, the point of this jirga was diminished.

As it is, this gathering of greater than 3,000 Afghans has come as US Particular Envoy Zalmai Khalilzad and the Taleban have been starting their sixth spherical of talks in Doha (it started on 1 Might 2019) and after the failure of an try at intra-Afghan dialogue, also scheduled to be held in Doha, on 19–21 April. The Doha talks have been cancelled after either the hosts or the Taleban (it was never clear) turned sad at the measurement and unwieldiness of the ‘Kabul delegation’ – 250 people who would supposedly speak to 25 Taleban representatives. Referring to this in his speech in the present day, Ghani stated that, “Mandated and inspired by the resolution of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga, I will assign a negotiating team, not an army of negotiators.” Nevertheless, if the Palace again tries to organise the non-Taleban aspect of the dialogue, the staff may – if Taleban sentiments remain consistent – nonetheless be rejected.

This is not to say that the Taleban should have a veto on which Afghans they speak to, or that the US ought to ‘exclude’ the authorities from talks with the Taleban (as Ghani and many other Afghans consider it’s doing). Nevertheless, despite the robust intent of the last communiqué, it’s troublesome to see how this jirga will strengthen the hand of the Palace vis-à-vis the United States or of Afghans supporting the 2001 settlement towards the insurgents.

Edited by Rachel Reid

Annex: The Ultimate Communiqué of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga (29 April – four Might) (AAN translation from the unique Dari)

1. We, the individuals on this Jirga, are decided and dedicated to convey durable peace to the nation.

2. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga call on the Taleban Motion to, given the disagreeable consequences of warfare and bloodshed, take heed to the voice of this nice mass of individuals who symbolize each corner of Afghanistan and denounce animosity and take part in the build up and prosperity of their homeland. Struggle doesn’t have a winner and peace doesn’t have a loser.

3. One of the huge elements of warfare in Afghanistan is totally different perceptions and interpretations of the faith of Islam. Members of the Consultative Peace Jirga recommend to the authorities, the Taleban and spiritual students to unify their perspective on the interpretation of Islam and pave the method for national unity and accord.

4. The authorities of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Taleban Movement ought to accept the voice of the absolute majority of Afghans and declare a direct and permanent ceasefire from the starting of the holy month of Ramadan of this yr and implement it across the country so as to respect the will of the individuals, honour the holy month of Ramadan, end violence, construct confidence between the two parties, and put an end to the damaging propaganda.

5. The Islamic Republic system is the great achievement of the individuals of Afghanistan and is the end result of years of sacrifices and endeavours. Establishment and consolidation of peace in Afghanistan must be achieved by defending the sort of the system (Islamic Republic of Afghanistan) and via a direct negotiation channel.

6. The current structure of Afghanistan is a national and invaluable doc for the individuals of Afghanistan which ought to be preserved; but if needed, an amendment to some of its articles by means of principled and favorite mechanisms [envisaged] in this regulation is possible, after a peace agreement.

7. The elementary rights of the residents, enshrined in the structure of Afghanistan, including the rights of ladies and youngsters, political and civil proper to participation, the proper to freedom of expression, the proper to schooling and labour, the right to entry public providers as well as the rights of ethnic and spiritual minorities, individuals with incapacity, heirs of martyrs, as the elementary pillars of consolidation of peace, must be preserved and strengthened in the peace process

8. The security and defence forces are the satisfaction of the country. Consolidation and continuation of durable peace require robust national security and defence forces. Subsequently, the individuals of Afghanistan, via this Jirga, emphasise on protection and strengthening of these institutions.

9. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga request the fighters and the nations involved in the Afghan peace process to, by means of understanding and collaboration, paving the means for opening the political office of the Taleban in Afghanistan.

10. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga call on the government of Afghanistan to, in close coordination with the worldwide group and after understanding among all factions (parties) concerned in the peace process, and to protect the values and achievements of close to 20 years, prepare a feasible timetable for responsible exit of overseas forces from Afghanistan

11. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga name on the authorities of Afghanistan, all political events and currents and efficient national personalities to use the at present out there opportunities to build a home nationwide and political consensus at this historical and crucial state of affairs to advance the peace course of and enter into peace negotiations from a single and Afghanistan-wide handle.

12. All the concerned events ought to keep away from preconditions that prohibit the floor for the starting of direct negotiations.

13. All events concerned should treat the captives and prisoners of the different in an Islamic spirit and with good behaviour and take actions, utilizing constructive and flexible strategies, [aiming at] the change of captives and release of prisoners for the objective of further building confidence and goodwill between the two parties.

14. As a way to achieve durable peace, regional and international consensus is crucial and very important. Subsequently, members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga call on the regional and trans-regional nations and the international group to coordinate their efforts to determine peace in Afghanistan with the authorities and put the position of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan at the centre of their initiatives and efforts.

15. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga call on the authorities to emphasize, in all negotiations and talks, a coverage of good neighbourliness with the nations of the region and the neighbours. If there’s continued interference by the regional nations or some of the neighbours in the affairs of Afghanistan, [the government should] formally lodge the grievance of the individuals of Afghanistan with the UN Security Council.

16. The government ought to, in consultation with influential nationwide, political and social ‘addresses’ [influential people or groups], develop and enforce a complete and all-inclusive plan for accelerating the peace course of and beginning direct negotiations with the Taleban Motion, in considering of the recommendation of this jirga.

17. Realising the urgent want for an impartial physique to facilitate the peace course of, members of this Jirga recognise that, for the function of making the High Peace Council clear and effective, elementary reforms to the construction, organisation and efficiency of this Council ought to be carried out.

18. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga, contemplating the past experiences, advise that the negotiating workforce be shaped of jihadi personalities and [those who are] national, skilled, experienced, have good reputations, are committed to human rights values and are peace-loving, with a manageable composition (most 50 individuals); [it should be formed] contemplating the ethnic stability and the presence of discovered ulema, tribal elders, ladies, young individuals, the families of victims, individuals with disabilities, minorities, representatives of civil society, refugees, the media, Kuchis and of totally different courses and strata of the society, together with some of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga members.

19. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga ask the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to, for the objective of facilitating and accelerating the peace process, determine the reliable and affordable needs and demands of the Taleban and take essential actions vis-à-vis them for additional confidence building

20. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga commit to convey this jirga’s message of peace to their individuals upon return to their areas and localities as messengers of peace and to start out a comprehensive effort in cooperation with local administrations, ulema, tribal elders, younger individuals and ladies, in order that we will play our spiritual and nationwide half in the making certain peace.

21. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga call on the authorities to take care of its relations with members of this jirga and with the influential establishments and continuously hold members of the jirga posted on the implementation of the jirga’s advice and the progress of peace talks and negotiations

22. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga, emphasising the articles of this resolution, tackle the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the Islamic Movement of the Taleban, the International group, regional nations and other factions (events) concerned to respect the rightful needs and demands of the individuals of Afghanistan and the recommendation of this historic loya jirga and significantly and truthfully make efforts and take sensible steps to determine and consolidate a sturdy peace and forestall the continuation and intensification of the warfare and [continuing] casualties amongst strange individuals.

23. Members of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga, because of the significance of this historic loya jirga, need the president and administrative board of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga to print and publish all the views, opinions and suggestions of the 50 committees in a formal document.

[1] A day earlier than the Jirga, on 28 April 2019, 12 presidential hopefuls issued (out there in Dari here) a press release saying their boycott of the Consultative Peace Loya Jirga. They stated (AAN’s translation of the unique Dari):

We, the 12 presidential candidates’ election tickets of 2019 and a number of political events of the nation, consider that the consultative loya jirga which has been referred to as by the president is premature, unnecessary and a waste of state assets. In the current state of affairs by which virtually all worldwide partners and Afghan politicians have intensified their efforts to ensure sturdy peace, the government of Afghanistan needs to consult with the individuals now.

We consider that this jirga is untimely and in contradiction with the peace-seeking efforts.

Ambiguity in the agenda, on one hand, and non-inclusiveness of the members of this Jirga, on the other, calls to question the effort to ensure peace as being national.

We consider that any initiative at the nationwide degree in the run-up to the presidential elections is an abuse of state assets for election campaigning in favour of a specific individual.

Furthermore, the Supreme Courtroom of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, which in line with the structure has the obligation to only examine the unusual laws with the structure, beneath the affect of the authorities and opposite to its authorities, has lately extended the time period of the president until the elections are held.

This motion is towards the constitution and political consensus on one hand and a critical impediment to bringing peace and holding transparent elections on the different.

The authorities had higher spend the monetary assets used for the jirga for the victims of the current nationwide disasters and preventing [and] for enhancing the lives of our individuals, round 52 per cent of whom are beneath the poverty line.

Subsequently, we, 12 presidential candidates and our political partners, will boycott this jirga and won’t participate in it.

Nur ul-Rahman Liwal

Enayatullah Hafez

Muhammad Ibrahim Alekozai

Muhammad Hakim Tursan

Ghulam Faruq Nejrabi

Faramarz Tammana

Sheida Muhammad Abdali

Ahmad Wali Massud

Nur ul-Haq Olomi

Rahmatullah Nabil

Muhammad Hanif Atmar

Muhammad Shahab Hakimi

The spokesman for Chief Government Abdullah additionally introduced his boycott, saying the jirga was unnecessary, not essentially reliable and would haven’t any outcome. The social gathering of Second Chief Government Muhammad Mohaqeq, Hezb-e Wahdat-e Islami-e Mardom declaring its boycott stated nobody “will participate in this cosmetic Jirga on behalf of the party and those who will participate in the Jirga want to counter the deceits and khaima shab bazi (marionettes, puppet shows) advanced by the government as the agenda of the Jirga.” Boycotts have been also announced by former president Karzai (obtainable in Dari here) and Herati strongman, Ismael Khan.

Thematic Class: Political Panorama